'Bishad Sindhu' of Mir Musharraf Hossain fails. The brutality is as terrible as the Maidan of Karbala. The father of the nation was killed but no one staked his life. Nobody made a single noise. Nobody sacrificed. Leaving the body of the father of the nation at Dhanmondi number 32, some went to take oath, some to recite the oath. Some was busy saving lives. Some cried silently. Some remained indecisive. Some waited for voluntary imprisonment. Some ran away from home. It was a brutal history of failure. The stigma of not being able to come to the streets to protest the incident. Everyone is talking a lot now. Giving pompous speech. But the answer to that question is not found. At the time of writing this article, 50 years of independence have passed. Bangladesh, under the leadership of Bangabandhu's daughter, now stands tall in the world. He who founded the country could not see this rise. He was brutally murdered just three and a half years after independence. Domestic and foreign conspirators targeted the newly independent-sovereign nation. The father of the nation was brutally killed to stop the progress of Bangladesh. The Awami League at that time failed to protest that killing. The security forces of the President could not resist. The armed forces did not take a counter position after receiving the call from the army chief. Those failures are still a mystery. The Awami League had a huge organization. There was no shortage of leaders and workers, bureaucrats and flatterers. Where were they? The army did not descend across the country. They were roaming in certain areas of Dhaka. Despite that, why didn't Chhatra League, Jubo League, Krishak League, Sramik League take out a single procession. After the formation of Baksal, there was an urge to join groups. Government officials, journalists, university teachers from all over the country used to attend, give long speech every day. They used to declare to give their lives for the Father of the Nation. Those news were all over the newspapers. There was no lack of bureaucrats, leaders and workers, security guards. After the brutal murder, everybody kept quiet. Chhatra League, Jubo League leaders went silent. If 100,000 people gathered at Dhanmondi 32 in the morning, the murderous gang would not have survived for a second. On August 15, there was a program at Dhaka University. Leaders and workers from all over the country were in Dhaka. The campus was bustling with BCL workers walking throughout the night. Why didn't anyone march after hearing the news in the morning? Can the then Chhatra League president and general secretary avoid responsibility for that failure? A march from the campus would spread across the country like wildfire in no time. Because of the failure and silence of the leaders, the workers stopped. And Bangabandhu's companions went to take oath. Bangabandhu Government's Cabinet Secretary HT Imam conducted the oath ceremony. The then Foreign Secretary Fakhruddin and HT Imam went to Bangabhaban together in a car. They did not have to be forced. Went voluntarily. Our history is very cruel.
No one, including the armed forces, can escape the responsibility of failure. Politicians were total failures. Bureaucrats changed in an instant. Like other forces, the police chief also went to show allegiance. In an instant, everyone became an accomplice of the murderous gang. All the intelligence agencies and security forces of that time failed to protect the president. Those who joined Baksal in groups changed their tune in a moment. Those who sat under Bangabandhu's feet and used to flatter, were also not found. Everyone became busy protecting themselves. Not a single leader of the party called the workers to come out. The Rakkhi Bahini also failed. All the members of Rakkhi Bahini were freedom fighters. Two members of the Rakkhi Bahini committed suicide in Savar due to anger and humiliation of not receiving any command. Weapons from their arsenal inside the BDR were intercepted. They were not given weapons. The situation would have changed if the Rakkhi Bahini had come out. It is said that the isolated members of the army were responsible for the incident. The question remains, why the others did not listen to the army chief? Why didn't those who realized the urge to take a counter position on November 3 come out on August 15? Why didn't they stand up against the murderous Major gang? The founder of Bangladesh was killed with his family, everyone sat and watched the prank of the murderers. There is nothing more scandalous and sad in the history of this nation. Never will. Shafayet Jamil, Khaled Musharraf were definitely in favor of Bangabandhu. But they were also indecisive. History would have changed if the resistance on 3 November had been on 15 August.
Bangbir Quader Siddiqui is the protesting hero. Like many, I don't feel bad when the beneficiaries of 1971 and 1975, are insulted. Kader Siddiqui is a brave warrior. Kader Siddiqui is a brave warrior. In 1975, he was the leader of Tangail, not of the Centre. He was the governor. From that position he was the only one who declared armed resistance. Hundreds of his comrades gave their lives. Many have gone to the gallows. Someone had a lifetime imprisonment. This state has not recognized them even in all these years. But rewarded the murderers' accomplices. Those who play a role in team adversity have passion. They cannot be flattered. Nobody likes them. But their contribution cannot be underestimated.
There were two Deputy Directors of Rakkhi Bahini - Late Anwarul Alam Shaheed and Sarwar Hossain Molla. I talked to both of them several times about those failures. I also published some of Sarwar Molla's words in Bangladesh Pratidin. Who called them to Bangabhaban and Cantonment that black morning? Kept them busy all day in the name of various discussions. Looking at the list of those army officers is shocking. Awami League has received a lot from the families of many of the November 3 coup victims. The families of those who resisted on November 7 were not left out. I don't want to discuss them today. Instead, let’s talk about General Khalil. He was the chief of BDR. He did not give the weapons kept in Pilkhana to the Rakkhi Bahini, a 100% freedom fighter organization. General Khalil was also among the influential people of Mostaq's Bangabhaban. He also later joined the Awami League. Nominated repeatedly. In 1991, he received the boat symbol for the last time. I interviewed him for Bhorer Alo in 1992. He said he got the news early in the morning while he was shaving. He could not answer the question why he had left the radio to shave so early in the morning.
Who took General Khalil Awami League? And why? Many questions are not answered. How did Amin Ahmed Chowdhury become the president's military secretary? Who gave Colonel Mateen the security responsibility of Bangabhaban? Why did Ziaur Rahman, BDR chief Major General Khalilur Rahman, IG of Police Nurul Islam, Brigadier Mashurul Haque meet at Bangabhaban so quickly? On whose order Army Adjutant General Colonel Moinul Hossain Chowdhury went to Savar camp on August 17 to pacify the members of the Rakkhi Bahini? General Shafiullah was removed from the army chief and Ziaur Rahman was made the army chief. Khaled Musharraf was given CGS on the same day. History has many hard truths. They cannot be hidden. After the assassination of Bangabandhu, MAG Osmani became the Defense Adviser. And Major General Khalilur Rahman became Chief of the Defense Staff. Ziaur Rahman's most trusted officer was Brigadier MA Manzoor. He was in the Defense Attaché in Delhi. He came to Dhaka after hearing the news of Bangabandhu's murder. He was like a shadow with Ziaur Rahman. He was upset because Khaled Musharraf was CGS. He didn't give up. In a twist of fate, Manzoor was accused of murdering Zia. Director of Defense Forces Nuruzzaman was out of the country on August 15. After he returned home, the Rakkhi Bahini were assimilated into the Army in early October. At that time, Nuruzzaman repeatedly talked to Shafayet Jamil and Khaled Musharraf to do something in return. They both agreed with Nuruzzaman to overthrow the murderers and oust Mushtaq. Their efforts were thwarted on November 7 by Jasad under the leadership of Colonel Taher. They supported Ziaur Rahman. In the last 14 years, they have received no less awards from Awami League.
Security was not strong enough to protect Bangabandhu. The father of the nation lived a simple life. Even as the country's statesman, he lived in a small house at Dhanmondi 32. He did not think about his personal safety. I was talking about this with the Deputy Director of the Rakkhi Bahini Colonel Sarwar Molla. He said that police EA Chowdhury, SP Mahbub was worried about Bangabandhu's safety. They went to Bangabandhu with two second men of the Rakkhi Bahini, Sarwar Molla and Anwarul Alam Shahid. They told Bangabandhu about their security concerns. Advised to leave the Dhanmondi 32 house and go up to Bangabhaban or Ganabhaban. Bangabandhu did not agree to this. Bangabandhu told them, 'People have found me among them all their lives. If I leave Dhanmondi I will move away from them. I am a leader of people. Begum Mujib also did not agree to leave Dhanmondi 32. Sheikh Kamal and Jamal also liked this house. Sarwar Mollah said that other forces including the President Guard Regiment were in charge of the President's security. Not the Rakkhi Bahini. The task of the Rakkhi Bahini was to maintain law and order in the newly independent country. Taking action against arms holders, black marketeers, hoarders. All the members of this force were freedom fighters. They had a commitment. The security forces and the police had information that proletariat and Jasad masses might attack Bangabandhu's house. Sarwar Molla said, I increased the patrol around Dhanmondi 32 on this news. Sheikh Mani did not like that patrol of the Rakkhi Bahini. He misunderstood. He thought that the security forces had stepped up patrolling in Dhanmondi on someone's orders to disturb him. As this complaint went to Bangabandhu, the patrol had to be reduced. He said that Savar was the base of the members of the Rakkhi Bahini. The head office was at Sherbanglanagar. It did not have its own arsenal. Weapons were kept in the Pilkhana. The next day BDR chief Khalil did not give us weapons. As the Rakkhi Bahini chief was not in the country, the top army officers kept both of them busy all day in the cantonment and Bangabhaban in the name of discussion. He said, the army officers of our generation asked the Rakkhi Bahini to be patient. Two of our members in Savar committed suicide after hearing the news of Bangabandhu's death. No political leader, minister, government has not received orders from anyone to do anything.
There are also many questions about advance intelligence. However, Indira Gandhi warned Bangabandhu based on information from Indian intelligence. Indira's friend Pupul Jaykar, a minister in her government, has a book. The book is autobiographical of Indira Gandhi. She wrote that at the end of 1974, Rameshwar Nath Kao, the head of intelligence agency 'R', met Indira one day. He told Indira that a rebellion was being fomented within the Bangladeshi military. Indira ordered to go to Dhaka and convey all the information to Mujib. Kao came to Dhaka. He met Bangabandhu at Dhanmondi 32. The lax security system surprised him. While walking in the garden, he informed Bangabandhu about the conspiracy. Then Bangabandhu assured him, 'Nothing will happen. They are my people. Pakistan Army did not dare to do anything, what will they do in Bangladesh?' Kao returned to Delhi upset. He informed Indira about everything. Bangabandhu had one faith in his nation. To the party, the government and those responsible for protecting him. Despite having so much faith, he was deceived. In fact, it does not take time to change the appearance of people. After the assassination of Bangabandhu, everyone changed. And those who did not change remained with failure, disappointment and suffering.