Khamenei funeral signals Iran's defiance and new regional order
Reuters, Beirut
Published: 06 Jul 2026, 10:24 PM
People walk near a banner depicting US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, as they attend a funeral procession for Iran's late Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who was killed on 28 February in Israeli and US airstrikes, in Tehran, Iran, 6 July 2026. Photo: REUTERS
The funeral of late Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali
Khamenei was more than a national farewell. The sea of mourners in Tehran sent
a message to the United States and Israel that their attempt to break the
Islamic Republic had failed.
Rather than looking weakened by the war that began with US
and Israeli strikes on 28 February, Iran presented itself as defiant, unified
and determined to shape what comes next.
That defiance and ability to survive now underpins Iran's
negotiating strategy, regional officials, diplomats and analysts say, depicting
the funeral as the moment Tehran sought to transform endurance into leverage.
Not 'a diamond for a lollipop'
The war, they say, has underlined Iran's leverage over the
Strait of Hormuz and enabled it to demand that any deal on its nuclear
programme begins with recognition that its control over the vital oil
chokepoint is a reality that must be accepted.
A 60-day ceasefire was intended by Washington to revive
diplomacy on stopping Iran developing a nuclear arsenal, but has instead opened
a different contest.
In this contest, Iran's location rather than its uranium is
its most powerful asset, with Tehran seeking to convert wartime gains into
permanent strategic advantage by securing acceptance of its dominant position
around the strait
The 60-day clock towards a final deal following the
ceasefire agreement and the accompanying memorandum of understanding is yet to
start. In that vacuum, Iran is setting the pace.
Although huge revenues might be earned from charging fees
for vessels using the strait, Tehran sees Hormuz less as an economic asset than
as a source of political legitimacy, said Alex Vatanka of the US-based Middle
East Institute.
"The symbolic part is more important for the Iranians
than revenues," Vatanka said. "They want some kind of symbolic
acceptance that the Strait is Iran's. It's about accepting Iran as the
sovereign power over the Strait."
Citing a Persian saying, Vatanka added: "Why give away
a diamond for a lollipop?"
According to Tehran's calculation, Hormuz is the diamond.
Sanctions relief and frozen assets are the lollipop.
'Divine blessing'
Iran's leadership has echoed this position.
"The Strait of Hormuz is our greatest power tool; we
must properly protect this divine blessing," said Parliament Speaker
Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf, adding that Iran would "under no circumstances
relinquish its rights" there.
Iran is deliberately slowing negotiations to lock in what it
sees as the war's dividends before returning to the nuclear question, regional
sources and diplomats say.
For Tehran – which denies seeking a nuclear bomb – uranium
can wait, but consolidating its position on Hormuz cannot, said Alan Eyre, a
former US diplomat with expertise on Iran.
"Iran is perfectly happy to play for time and just drag
negotiations out," Eyre said. "It wants control of Hormuz and is
holding talks to institutionalise that control."
That could mean embedding its influence through transit arrangements,
coordination mechanisms or charges for services along the corridor that carries
a fifth of global oil and liquefied natural gas supplies, while Gulf states
wait to see whether Washington can or is able to reverse the new reality.
Tehran believes US President Donald Trump – constrained by
domestic politics and wary of another confrontation before midterm elections to
Congress in November – is under more pressure to secure a deal than Iran is to
make concessions.
"The Iranians know that President Trump wants to get
out; he wants to move on," Eyre said. "They know they can squeeze him
because time is on their side."
Aaron David Miller, a former US Middle East negotiator, said
Washington's military campaign had failed to break Iran's leverage, leaving US
diplomacy with a flawed ceasefire whose implementation has become a
battleground in its own right.
Tehran, he said, has little reason to engage seriously on
its nuclear programme until it is confident the new reality around Hormuz has
been accepted and meaningful progress made on unlocking billions of dollars in
frozen assets held abroad.
"The 60-day clock was always a fantasy," Miller
said. "The Iranians are not going to move to the nuclear file until
they're relatively confident they've achieved this new status quo. They want to
make sure that Trump understands, and that the world understands, that there's
no going back to February 27."
Iran won't give up Hormuz
Iran is exploiting what Miller calls the key reality of the
post-war order – neither US military power nor the threat of a US naval
blockade fundamentally altered its position on the Strait of Hormuz.
"They're not going to give it up," he said.
Ebtesam Al-Ketbi, president of the Emirates Policy Center,
said that, by halting the war without resolving the issues that caused it,
Washington may have helped elevate Hormuz from being a pressure point into a
lasting source of leverage for Tehran.
Gulf officials worry that by showing Iran's ability to shape
events around the strait, the war created an advantage that Tehran will be
reluctant to surrender even in exchange for sanctions relief or progress on the
nuclear file.
"They are twisting the arms of the Americans and
everybody," Al Ketbi said. "Now that they have found this Hormuz
treasure, they will not leave it."
Washington is likely to have to accept the reopening of the
strait under conditions largely dictated by Tehran, analysts say.
"No one's going to win, but Iran will lose less than
the United States will," Eyre said.