To succeed, a purge within govt is essential

On Sunday, for the first time since becoming prime minister, Tarique Rahman held a meeting with the field administration. Deputy commissioners and others constitute the primary driving force of this administration. Through this meeting, the prime minister highlighted the goals and plans of the BNP government. The role of the field administration is crucial in implementing a government’s political commitments and programmes. However, a government cannot implement its agenda without the overall cooperation of every department. This is why, in all democratic countries, a political government restructures the administration, judiciary and law enforcement agencies upon taking office – so that every level of government can play an effective role in achieving its objectives.
A government is not merely a cabinet. From the prime minister down to an upazila nirbahi officer (UNO), everyone is part of the governing structure. Just as a parade is unsuccessful if participants do not march in step, a government can never be dynamic or successful unless members at all levels work together in unison. For example, the “Farmer Card” is a priority programme of the current government. The prime minister has inaugurated its distribution. However, if the field administration fails to prepare accurate lists of farmers, this 
excellent initiative cannot be realised. Even a few deputy commissioners or UNOs are enough to render such an initiative ineffective. Similarly, if law enforcement agencies do not perform their duties properly, the risk of fraud in relation to these cards increases.
Nowadays, there is a growing tendency to take every matter to court. If someone challenges the legality of the Farmer Card and a person with opposing views is entrenched there, they could single-handedly halt the progress of such a noble initiative with a single ruling. If the judiciary is hostile for any reason, it can create obstacles at every stage of the government’s work. As a result, fulfilling the promises made to the people during the election becomes difficult, and the pace of government activity slows. Therefore, a political government succeeds only when it operates in harmony. A democratic government may be compared to the human body: if all organs do not function properly, movement is impaired. If any single organ fails, we do not consider ourselves fully healthy. This is a fundamental principle of statecraft.
This is why, in developed democratic nations, government institutions undergo personnel changes alongside a change in government. In the United States, as soon as the President changes, officials at all levels are replaced. Individuals preferred by the President are appointed to the administration, law enforcement and intelligence agencies. The same applies in the United Kingdom. Even in India, administrative, law enforcement and judicial officials change with a shift in government. This is the norm in the modern state structure. There was once a belief that, while governments change, the administration and law enforcement should remain neutral. However, in the modern state system, this doctrine is now largely obsolete because the government’s true accountability is to the people. The manifesto is the contract between an elected government and the electorate. Therefore, the government’s primary task is to fulfil the promises made to the public. If it fails, it is considered a failure. To succeed, a government must comprehensively restructure its institutions.
In the elections held on 12 February, the BNP secured more than a two-thirds majority. A new cabinet has been formed under the leadership of Tarique Rahman. Since taking the oath of office, he has been working to implement the BNP’s election manifesto. Over the past two months, some reshuffles have taken place in the higher ranks of the administration and law enforcement. Reports of changes in the field administration have also emerged. However, these reshuffles are not sufficient. The administration remains populated by individuals who are not only ideologically opposed to the BNP but who also worked against the party in the last election. Now, they have changed their colours. No matter how much they present themselves as “Soldiers of Shaheed Zia”, they will seek opportunities to undermine the BNP.
On 8 August, three days after the fall of the Awami League on 5 August 2024, an interim government was formed under the leadership of Prof Muhammad Yunus. Upon taking power, Yunus initiated extensive changes at all levels. From the chief justice to lower court judges, from the Cabinet Secretary to Assistant Secretaries, and from the inspector general of police to thana officers-in-charge, reshuffles were carried out at every stage. The primary goal of the Yunus government was to remain in power for an extended period. Accordingly, arrangements were made so that no one in favour of holding elections occupied key positions. These reshuffles were reportedly carried out in accordance with lists provided by two specific political parties. At the time, leaders of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement stayed at the secretariat, and changes were made according to their wishes. Many advisers allegedly facilitated postings – from deputy commissioners to secretaries – in exchange for large sums of money. Such practices became commonplace during the Yunus administration. Although reports were published in newspapers, the interim government largely ignored them, instead legitimising the situation through nominal probe committees. As a result, the integrity and competence of many appointees from that period were called into question. More importantly, the administration and law enforcement agencies were structured in a way that kept the BNP cornered. In the first session of the newly concluded parliament, Home Minister Salahuddin Ahmed alluded to this, noting that one group was inside ‘Jamuna’ (the chief adviser’s residence) while another was outside it. Another MP remarked to the opposition, “Those were the good old days.” Today, it is widely understood who effectively ran the Yunus government.

The Ministry of Law and Justice, under Asif Nazrul, became one of the most controversial institutions during the Yunus administration. It is alleged that he exercised excessive authority in appointing lower court judges, with many appointments reportedly influenced by financial considerations. There are also allegations that laws were violated and corruption occurred in appointing law officers from higher to lower courts. By appointing far more law officers to the attorney general’s office than necessary, he is said to have favoured a particular group. This led to significant disorder in the appointment of government lawyers in lower courts. Complaints have been submitted to the Anti-Corruption Commission alleging that Asif Nazrul amassed substantial sums through recruitment and transfer practices. Yet no action has been taken. Furthermore, even after two months of the BNP government in office, many of these controversial appointees remain in place.
The current government, elected with a strong public mandate, must recognise that an elected administration cannot function effectively using the machinery of an unelected one. Moreover, the Yunus government reportedly arranged matters in a way that would enable it to prolong its tenure and disrupt the electoral process. Media reports suggested that advisers such as Syeda Rizwana Hasan, Fouzul Kabir and Sakhawat Hossain attempted to influence the election until the final stages. Reports also indicated that Asif Nazrul was involved in these efforts. Yunus himself claimed that the people wanted him to remain in power for another 50 years. Such statements, along with the actions of his advisers, suggest that the interim government was reluctant to hold elections and did so only under pressure. The home minister addressed these issues in detail in the national parliament. While there is no need to revisit that discussion here, these facts point to one conclusion: the interim government sought to sideline the BNP, which had been the most vocal in demanding elections. It also attempted to pursue a depoliticisation agenda reminiscent of “1/11”, a move that was ultimately resisted through the leadership of Tarique Rahman.

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Therefore, the administration, judiciary and law enforcement agencies shaped by the interim government cannot be assumed to be aligned with the BNP. On the contrary, there is a risk that they may act in ways that make the party unpopular or controversial. It should also be remembered that those associated with the events of “1/11” remain active and may be waiting for an opportunity to reassert themselves. To counter this and ensure the success of the current government, a “purging operation” within the state apparatus is deemed necessary. There appears to be no alternative.