A strange kind of unrest and instability has taken hold across the country. Peace feels absent everywhere. Dhaka Medical College has been shut down indefinitely; students are protesting to demand residential accommodation. In response, the authorities have done nothing more than issue a statement.

For days now, sit-ins have been taking place at the Secretariat. Government advisers are releasing statements every few days in hopes of calming the situation. There are signs of major protests brewing at the National Board of Revenue (NBR) as well, and yet again, the government has responded with nothing more than a press release.

Wherever there is protest, there is a statement. The government sees and hears what’s happening around it, but takes no meaningful action — just statements. So frequent are these statements that many now mockingly refer to this administration as the “Statement Government.”

In a recent budget discussion, former caretaker government adviser and BRAC Chairperson Dr Hossain Zillur Rahman remarked, “This government seems to be suffering from a Kumbhakarna syndrome” — referring to the mythical character who slept through disaster. “They are seeing and hearing, but doing nothing.” This view is not his alone. It is fast becoming the sentiment of an entire nation.

One has to ask: is issuing statements the only thing this government does?

The Mob Incident – And Yet Another Statement

Not long ago, the former Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Nurul Huda was publicly assaulted — a mob forced a garland of shoes around his neck. This disgraceful incident followed weeks of outcry about rising mob violence. During his UK visit, the Chief Adviser assured in several interviews that the government would take firm action against such vigilantism. He said mob violence would be tackled with zero tolerance.

Yet records show that since August, the government has issued 16 statements on the matter — with little to no impact. Emboldened, even the perpetrators of mob attacks are now releasing statements of their own, declaring they will continue unchecked.

Following the attack on Nurul Huda, the government, unsurprisingly, issued another statement. Witness accounts and video footage revealed that the assault went on for nearly an hour. Even if Huda were the most heinous of criminals, only a court of law has the authority to punish him — not an unruly mob. In a civilised society, there is no justification for slapping, punching, or humiliating a person in this manner. The event has drawn widespread condemnation. Yet, the government’s only remedy remains the same — another statement.

Worse still, the content of the statement is almost laughable. It read: “The government will examine whether law enforcement officials carried out their duties appropriately, and action will be taken against those responsible.”

Let’s not forget that in the last 10 months alone, over 500 police officers have been assaulted. Mobs now frequently attack the police themselves. Since the 5 August uprising, the morale of the police force has collapsed. They no longer feel empowered to intervene — mobs have become more powerful than law enforcement.

A Country Governed by Statements

Mob violence is not an isolated problem. It is happening across the country. And not just that — there is a pattern of governmental inaction in every sector. The Chief Adviser recently returned from the UK, where on 13 June he held a meeting with BNP’s Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman. A joint statement followed, raising hopes nationwide that the country might finally transition towards elections — that the unrest, protests, and blockades might give way to an atmosphere of democratic festivity.

Indeed, following this meeting, there was a noticeable sense of relief across the country. But slowly, dark clouds are gathering once again. Two weeks after the Chief Adviser’s return, there has been no tangible follow-up. The CEC recently stated that the Election Commission has not received any communication from the government. In defence briefings, armed forces representatives also said they’ve received no instructions regarding an election.

Who, then, will implement the Chief Adviser’s promises? This has become a pressing national question.

The National Consensus Commission continues its marathon discussions — another daily routine generating more statements. But to what end? Who benefits from endless talk? While consensus-building is commendable, what is stopping the government from announcing a timeline for the election?

The election process itself is lengthy. Once the government gives the EC a probable date, the Commission must resolve boundary disputes (currently 75 unresolved), update the voter list, finalise polling centres, and appoint election officers. These steps will take at least 7 to 8 months, say experts. Therefore, preparations must begin immediately — and for that, a date must be announced now.

At present, every government ministry is issuing statements — the Home Ministry, the Ministry of Public Administration, the NBR, and even the Chief Adviser’s Office. Joint statements, press releases, verbal reassurances — but who is implementing them, and how?

Governance in Stasis

This state of inertia and lack of action threatens to plunge the country into deeper crisis. What is urgently required is the announcement of an election roadmap in accordance with the London Declaration. Some suggest that the date cannot be set before the "July Charter" is finalised. But why not? That question remains unanswered.

The July Charter and the war crimes tribunal are ongoing processes. There is no contradiction in continuing these while also announcing an election timeline. If the Charter is finalised in July, and the EC is already progressing with its preparatory tasks, where is the conflict?

Most members of this government come from NGOs — and NGOs are often better at hosting seminars and issuing statements than delivering results. The same appears true for this administration.

But one must not forget: this government was formed through a popular uprising. It has immense public support. And with that comes responsibility. This government must act — issuing statements alone is not governance.

It must address the root causes of unrest. The planned NBR shutdown, for example — why is it happening? Government should open dialogue and find a fair solution. How long will the Dhaka South City Corporation issue remain unresolved? The housing crisis at Dhaka Medical College must be addressed meaningfully.

The government has become so passive that it only responds when physically surrounded by protestors. Until then, it watches in silence. That is not the mark of responsible governance.

Thus, two steps are now essential:

Announce a clear roadmap for the next national election, based on the London Declaration.

Take swift, practical, and realistic action to resolve existing crises across the country.

People are losing patience. To the public, another statement is now just another source of irritation.

Author: Playwright and columnist. Email: [email protected]