On 5 August, the Awami League government fell in a mass uprising. The dream of the July Revolution envisioned a Bangladesh free from inequality, corruption, injustice, and exploitation—a peaceful and egalitarian nation. Hundreds of young men and adolescents gave their lives, carrying this aspiration in their hearts. However, four months after the mass uprising, it appears that people are grieving seeing their hopes shattered. Whispers of conspiracies and hints of unrest are widespread. The dreams born from the uprising seem to be fading, leaving ordinary people gripped by despair and anxiety.

Since the mass uprising on 5 August, the general populace has not been well. A persistent sense of fear and discomfort has emerged among them. The rising cost of living remains a central topic of discussions. Food inflation reached nearly 14% last month, leaving the middle class in dire straits, struggling to make ends meet. Yet, the interim government has failed to provide any clear roadmap or effective measures to address the crisis. Initial market interventions were bold but fruitless, leading to worsening conditions. Public outrage seems imminent as dissatisfaction grows.

Simultaneously, the law and order situation has deteriorated drastically. A sense of lawlessness is gradually cementing its place in people’s minds while they almost entirely lose faith in the judiciary. Reports of murder, looting, and mob justice are becoming alarmingly common. Incidents of mob attacks on businesses and educational institutions remain untried and unaccounted for. Nighttime Dhaka feels left at the mercy of muggers, and even during the day, people lack security. The police system, which collapsed after the uprising, has yet to regain its efficiency, further aggravating the situation. For a few days after the ouster of Awami League government, the country literally fared without any police force. Though some measures were taken to reform and revitalise the force, nothing productive has come out of these, so far. Police still remains inactive and the personnel are working cautiously through lukewarm measures.

Investment and commerce, crucial not only for a national economy’s growth, but also for its very survival, have collapsed in the past four months. Business owners, hoping for the end of corruption and syndicates post-Awami League, find themselves facing new challenges. Political interference and media-driven smear campaigns have created an environment of insecurity for entrepreneurs. False corruption allegations and frivolous legal cases have pushed many into a state of uncertainty, making it nearly impossible to conduct business.

On the international front, the picture is also volatile. There are rumours and unease over what the current standoff with India would lead. Western nations are also not satisfied with the country’s current state of judiciary, human rights and the rule of law. In the United States, one of the key supporters of the 5 August uprising, key officials are questioning the practice governance and human rights practices in Bangladesh. The UK Parliament has also held discussions on Bangladesh, raising concerns about the current government's actions. The international community's discontent is evident, eroding the support the interim government initially enjoyed.

A key aspiration of the mass uprising was an independent and unbiased media. However, in the last four months, that hope has been dashed. Journalists face harassment, with over 150 charged with murder complicity. Many of the lawsuits are not only absurd but also laughable. The arbitrary cancellation of press accreditation cards has drawn criticism from international media and human rights organizations, further deepening uncertainty within the media landscape.

The core goal of the mass uprising was to establish people's rights, which necessitates free and fair elections. The failure to cast votes in the elections of 2014, 2018, and 2024 was a major grievance among people. The interim government should pave the way for holding free and fair elections, but instead, it has engaged in delaying tactics and issuing confusing statements about state reforms. There is a lack of coordination and consultation even among the advisers of the interim government.

Most of the advisers in the interim government had no connection to the uprising – neither as leaders nor as participants of the glorious movement. Many allegedly received state blessings under the auspices of ousted Awami League government. These advisers have been appointed based on personal ties and interests.

It is worth mentioning that two-third of the advisory council appears to be part of the “Prothom Alo-Daily Star” controlled intellectual clique. These advisers, aligned with the agenda of certain influential media outlets, have been accused of undermining the spirit of the uprising. The public increasingly views the government as disconnected and influenced by non-political interests, leading to widespread disenchantment.

The lessons of the 2007 political crisis and the failed "minus formula" must be remembered. Attempts to depoliticize Bangladesh and impose undemocratic governance structures have never succeeded.

In 2007, the Dr Fakhruddin Ahmed-led and ex-army chief Moeen Uddin Ahmed-backed transitional government, brandishing civil society vibes through Prothom Alo-Daily Star allied intellectuals, sought to end the political careers of the country’s two most influential woman leaders.

But those attempts did not succeed. The Prothom Alo-Daily Star allied intellectual clique appears to be trying to take a second chance this time. Recently a white paper on the state of national economy was published by Dr Debapriya Bhattacharya. The white paper allegedly contains numerous errors and does not back up its claims with valid proofs.

Dr Debapriya was also a supporter of the 2007 transitional government, and this time, his acts appear set to fail the government. Then there is the cultural adviser, who has been kept in his position despite allegations from different quarters against his philosophical views and engagements with the Awami League government.

BNP, the strongest publicly acceptable political party for the time being, appears to have sensed the potential repetition of the 2007 plot to remove its chief Khaleda Zia and ousted dictator Sheikh Hasina from the country’s political landscape. As such, it has taken a rather daring stance: opposing the ouster of President Mohammed Shahabuddin, a member of Awami League, and leaving it to the people to decide on banning Awami League as a political entity.

To preempt such a scenario, BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir has called on the current interim government to hold free and neutral elections soon by completing the minimal reform works. The interim government has so far failed to pay heed to this call. If it prolongs the rule of civil society members, it would be making a mistake.

The interim government must quickly implement minimal reforms, ensure transparent elections, and transfer power to an elected government. Otherwise, it risks meeting the same fate as previous failed civil society-backed state reform attempts. Any attempt to erase the political positions of the country’s top two woman leaders and to undermine BNP alongside Awami League did not succeed before, and would not in the future.

The writer is a columnist