Has a crack developed in the spirit of the July Revolution that led to the fall of the AL’s 16-year autocratic regime on 5 August 2024, as the forces behind the revolution now seem to be in conflict for political gains?

This pressing question arises in the wake of significant changes in the country’s post-revolution political landscape.

The fall of the Awami League (AL) regime, propelled by a student-led revolution, was hailed as a triumph of democracy over autocracy. Yet, within a month following the fall of the dictatorial regime, disturbing developments highlighting growing disunity among the political forces that fought against the previous fascist government have emerged, casting doubt over the unity that was central to the revolution.

What is particularly concerning is that this disunity has surfaced at a time when the remnants of the ousted regime are actively attempting to discredit the revolution and destabilise the current administration. The unrest in the industrial sector and the paralysed bureaucracy point to the lengths these anti-state forces are willing to go to create chaos. Ironically, those who fought together to overthrow the authoritarian regime now seem to be falling into the trap of internal conflict set for them by the deposed dictator’s men, a development that could undo the revolution's hard-earned gains.

Erosion of unity

Reports suggest that many former Chhatra League and Juba League leaders, once key forces behind the AL’s power, are now engaging in criminal activities such as extortion and land grabbing, while masquerading as BNP leaders. These actions appear to be a deliberate attempt to tarnish the BNP’s reputation and disrupt the political transition.

Two incidents illustrate this troubling trend. In one case, a former Juba League leader was held by the police while attempting to illegally seize a shop in the capital’s Mirpur area. According to a report in Channel i, the individual introduced himself as a Juba Dal figure to intimidate business owners. In another instance, some Awami League activists were reportedly caught red-handed by patrolling Army personnel in Tangail while extorting money from businesses in local market posing as BNP members. These actions not only damage the BNP’s image but also undermine the spirit of justice and transparency that the revolution sought to achieve.

Now consider this: the controversial YouTuber Ashraful Alom, widely known as Hero Alom, came under attack on a Bogura court premises after filing a case against Awami League General Secretary Obaidul Quader and former Chief Election Commissioner Kazi Habubul Awal on 8 September. Hero Alom subsequently alleged that BNP supporters attacked him. The media also ran the news that BNP members attacked Alom without verifying who the attackers actually were. Later investigations suggested that the man who led the attack had been involved in AL politics since 2016.

The BNP’s stance

It is important to note that the aim is not to exonerate the BNP entirely. Some of its leaders and activists may indeed be exploiting the situation for personal gain. However, one must consider the party’s stance on these offences and whether or not it is taking action against members found guilty.

The BNP leadership has strongly condemned such actions. Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman and Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir have, on several occasions, stated that these individuals have no connection to their party. They have also urged the public to report anyone engaging in such misdeeds to the authorities. Emphasising that their struggle is for a fair and just Bangladesh, the BNP’s top leaders have declared they will not tolerate anyone abusing the party's name to harm the people.

“The BNP has earned the people’s trust and faith through martyred President Zia’s patriotism, Khaleda Zia’s sacrifice, and the sacrifices of thousands of its leaders and activists. It will not allow a few deviant individuals to ruin its position,” said Tarique Rahman during a views-exchange programme with grassroots leaders from Chattogram and Khulna divisions on 10 September 2024.

“The party is uncompromising on this matter (protecting its image), no matter how influential the misguided person is. The BNP has recently proved this in Chattogram and Mymensingh by taking organisational actions against the misdeeds of a few leaders,” he added.

Despite these efforts, some elements within the interim government and rival political factions are quick to point fingers at the BNP.

Political opportunism and the interim govt’s role

The tendency to blame the BNP for post-revolutionary unrest is a reflection of the political opportunism at play. Political groups who view the BNP as a threat to their own political aspirations have joined the chorus of blaming the BNP, despite clear evidence that former AL affiliates are behind much of the recent criminal activity.

While no party should escape scrutiny, focusing solely on the BNP risks ignoring the deeper roots of criminal activities that trace back to the previous regime. And, blaming the party for all the instances of illegal occupations and extortion is even more unjust when the BNP’s high command repeatedly assures the public that extortionists or illegal occupiers of public or private properties have no space within the party. This tendency is also counterproductive to national unity.

The interim government’s role in addressing these issues has been insufficient so far, leading to a pertinent question: Is the incumbent administration fully committed to ensuring justice is served? The government’s initial failure to address the root cause of the lawlessness is allowing a dangerous narrative to take hold, one that could fracture the unity achieved during the revolution.

Cracks in revolutionary unity: A looming threat

The July Revolution was a momentous victory, bringing together people from all walks of life—students, workers, and civil society—in a collective fight against the AL’s autocratic regime. However, the political infighting and opportunism that have emerged in its aftermath pose a serious threat to the unity that was so crucial in toppling the dictatorship.

We must not forget that the July Revolution’s success hinged on a united front against autocracy. If these divisions are allowed to deepen, it could create a vacuum that the ousted forces will be quick to exploit.

The stakes remain high. The unity forged during the revolution cannot be sacrificed at the altar of political opportunism, or the sacrifices made by the thousands of students and cross-sections of people will have been in vain.

Importance of political consensus

Disagreements over political ideologies are inevitable, but they must not eclipse the broader consensus that emerged during the revolution—the consensus to prevent the return of dictatorship in any form. All political forces that opposed the AL regime must remain united on key national issues, particularly safeguarding sovereignty and ensuring national integrity.

The BNP has repeatedly called for unity among opposition forces, with acting chairman Tarique Rahman declaring, “We must remain united to ensure that Bangladesh’s hard-won freedom is preserved. This is not about one party or one ideology; it is about protecting the country from a return to tyranny.”

The upcoming general election will be a key test of this unity. While it is the prerogative of political parties to decide whether they will contest individually or form coalitions, the next government must reflect the diversity of the nation. Representation from all political parties that gain a mandate from the people is crucial to ensuring a balanced and inclusive administration.

In this regard, the BNP has made a significant stride by committing to the formation of a national government if victorious in the election. This is a promising step towards inclusivity and sets a tone for cooperation and shared governance, which is crucial to maintaining stability in this fragile period.

State reform: The interim govt’s responsibility

The interim government, under the leadership of Prof Muhammad Yunus, has a critical role to play in ensuring a free, fair, and transparent election. This requires not only institutional reforms but also swift action against those who committed crimes during and after the revolution. Key state institutions, including the judiciary and law enforcement, must be overhauled to ensure they operate independently of any political party or vested interest.

Without comprehensive institutional reform, there is a real danger that the next government will inherit a system prone to the same abuses that characterised the AL’s regime. The interim government must act decisively to prevent this.

The interim administration must also avoid the temptation to blame individual political parties for current problems. Instead, it must focus on finding the real culprits and holding them accountable, thereby upholding the principles of justice and fairness that the revolution was built upon.

A historical lesson: Avoiding the mistakes of 1971

Bangladesh’s post-liberation history offers a stark lesson in the dangers of disunity. Following independence from Pakistan in 1971, political infighting and failure to address the needs of all citizens led to decades of instability. This mistake must not be repeated in 2024. The revolution of July 2024 was fought for all of Bangladesh, and its gains must be shared by all citizens, not just a select few.

If the sacrifices of 2024 are to lead to lasting change, political leaders must ensure that the mistakes of the past are not repeated. National unity is not just a political strategy—it is a moral imperative.