Politics is undesirable during national crises

The 55-day-old government has already encountered various crises. Some stem from the previous Awami League administration, while others arose during the 18-month interim government.

However, the most significant challenge remains the recent global war. The impact of the war in Iran has plunged us, like the rest of the world, into a dire fuel crisis. This situation affects every citizen, as one problem gives birth to many more.

Simultaneously, domestic politics adds another layer of complexity. Critics have threatened to oust the government if it ignores specific referendum and reform proposals. Behind the scenes, other forces are also at play. There are reports of "deep state" conspiracies planning to highlight controversial advisers to destabilise the administration.

In such a climate, the government must move forward with extreme tolerance, sensitivity, and firmness. Authorities must remain vigilant to ensure small issues do not escalate into major disasters—staying wary of "cutting one's foot on a rotten snail." The government must also caution party activists and restrain ministers from excessive rhetoric.

The activities of the past fifty days prove that the ministers cannot keep pace with the Prime Minister, much like the ministers and bureaucrats who struggled to match the physical pace of President Ziaur Rahman.

The world situation is becoming increasingly complex due to the Iran war. Fuel, the driving force of the global economy, has recently become scarce. Among South Asian nations, Bangladesh faces significant risks regarding energy security. The Awami League government provided indemnity to facilitate looting in the power and energy sectors, leading to the "rental" and "quick rental" power plant businesses. Many grew immensely wealthy through these ventures. Unfortunately, the 18-month interim government did little to secure the country’s fuel reserves or ensure stable power generation and supply. Consequently, the new government is now stumbling.

While there will be ample time to review past failures and identify those responsible for the public's suffering, research and analysis will not solve the current crisis. The priority now is finding alternative fuel sources quickly and bringing the energy crisis down to a tolerable level within a short timeframe. Additionally, authorities must keep a strict eye on domestic energy mismanagement. Law enforcement agencies or mobile courts alone cannot stop hoarding and smuggling. The government must ensure that no party leader or activist profits from public suffering or engages in hoarding.

When a country runs well, everyone applauds the government. Party activists walk around with perfumed handkerchiefs in their pockets. But when a crisis emerges, everyone looks to the Prime Minister, avoiding any personal responsibility. Many cabinet members then secretly search for the failures of relevant ministers or secretaries. Although the opposition may publicly promise full cooperation, it is natural for them to inwardly hope the government founders in muddy waters.

The current opposition in parliament may not engage in the aggressive street politics typical of the Awami League, but they will not hesitate to act strategically. The nation witnessed their strategic depth during the last election. Their rhetoric on establishing justice, ethics, and anti-corruption measures makes the public think. They have embedded their operatives across all sectors, both openly and secretly, beyond imagination. Amidst the fuel crisis, they have already inserted a constitutional reform agenda into the national discourse, declaring that the government must step down if their demands are not met.

Following a meeting of the 11-party alliance on 7 April, Jamaat-e-Islami Secretary General Mia Golam Porwar stated, "BNP has created a national crisis by refusing to take the oath for the Constitution Reform Council. The key to resolving this lies with the BNP. Since they created this deadlock, they must provide the solution." Highlighting the fuel crisis and public suffering, he added, "Queues at petrol pumps stretch for miles, yet ministers claim in Parliament that no crisis exists. Corruption and syndicates have left the common people helpless. An irrigation crisis in agriculture is looming, which will inevitably hike food prices. The government seems more interested in changing its own fortune than that is of the people."

Meanwhile, Opposition Chief Whip Nahid Islam took it a step further, calling on the former Chief Adviser of the recently departed interim government, Dr Muhammad Yunus, to return to active public life. This call may be more than mere political rhetoric. It would not be surprising if the former Chief Adviser and other advisers began holding meetings or joining street demonstrations in solidarity with the 11-party alliance. Facing various allegations of irregularities and corruption, these advisers might choose a political faction as a shield for protection.

Following the bloody uprising of 2024 and an interim administration, a democratic government was formed after the 2026 elections. The 13th National Parliament is now vibrant. However, out of 133 ordinances issued by the previous government, 20 are not currently being turned into law. Due to legal obligations, these will automatically expire tomorrow, 10 April 2026. These include ordinances regarding the appointment of Supreme Court judges, the Supreme Court Secretariat, referendums, the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), the prevention of enforced disappearances, the National Human Rights Commission, right to information, and revenue management.

The core objective of these ordinances was to ensure the institutional foundation of democracy and the rule of law. Opposition members argue the government refuses to relinquish control over these institutions. Conversely, ministers claim these ordinances contain weaknesses and will be reintroduced as stronger bills later. Home Minister and BNP National Standing Committee member Salahuddin Ahmed stated, "We passed 98 out of 133 ordinances in Parliament without changes. Some will pass with amendments, while others are being repealed or 'preserved.' These preserved or repealed items are defective laws; passing them in their current form would not yield good results." Regardless of the debate, a significant rift between the government and the opposition will harm the country. While no individual is indispensable, the void must be filled by more competent successors to ensure national welfare.

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Everyone, Step Forward to Save the Country

Regarding the "July Charter," a fundamental question has emerged. On 17 October 2025, the National Consensus Commission presented a 39-page document titled "July National Charter 2025: Roadmap for the Future." The preamble notes that the commission began work on 15 February 2025, coordinating 72 meetings with 33 political parties to reach 84 recommendations. However, the background section states that after the "occupying forces" began a massacre on 25 March 1971, independence was declared the following day.

The question remains: after 72 meetings involving 33 parties, why could they not explicitly name the "Pakistani" occupation forces or identify who declared independence? For whose interest did these political parties surrender? Why is there such fear in naming the Pakistani forces or such hesitation in pronouncing the name of the proclaimer of independence?

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