The global discourse on the Fourth Industrial Revolution and artificial intelligence presents a stark contrast to the structural realities of Bangladesh’s education sector. While policymakers and techno-optimists romanticise an AI-driven future, the foundational machinery tasked with producing the human capital to navigate the future is in a state of decay. Bangladesh is approaching the edge of a catastrophic demographic cliff. For a country to leverage artificial intelligence, adapt to shrinking global job markets, and survive volatile geopolitical upheavals, it requires an enlightened, critically informed, and highly skilled populace. Yet our current apparatus across primary, secondary, madrasa, and tertiary streams does exactly the opposite. It institutionalises mediocrity, rewards political sycophancy, and offloads millions of unemployable graduates into an increasingly unforgiving economy. To rethink education in the age of AI, we must first confront the harsh truth that our entire educational pipeline has been broken. In fact, it requires an absolute, unapologetic overhaul from its very roots.
The crisis begins where the human mind is formed: primary education. For the past twenty years, this foundational tier has been trapped in absolute chaos. The previous regime’s legacy in primary education is one of profound failure, defined by piecemeal, superficial revisions and cosmetic curricular experiments that treated students and teachers as lab rats. These superficial changes did nothing to address the core rot. The primary school classroom remains a space of uninspired rote learning, starved of resources, and devoid of intellectual stimulation. If the foundational base of a child’s cognitive development is fundamentally weak, expecting them to mature into informed citizens or specialised professionals capable of coexisting with AI is an abortive exercise.
At the heart of this primary and early secondary failure is the systematic degradation of the teaching profession. Teachers are recruited through deeply compromised processes, left under-trained, and subjected to insulting pay packages that push them to the absolute margins of economic survival. We have spent decades treating teachers as low-level bureaucratic executioners rather than the architects of the nation’s intellect. To cure this, we must completely decouple the teaching profession from standard civil service benchmarks. A school/college/university teacher’s position and dignity must not be compared to generic government officials or Bangladesh Civil Service (BCS) employees; it must be elevated above them. We must create an environment where the country’s most brilliant minds, its top-tier university graduates, actively compete to enter classrooms. This is not merely an educational necessity but an anti-corruption strategy. An enlightened citizenry, shaped by brilliant educators, is the ultimate antidote to the systemic graft plaguing our public services – even private sectors.
Furthermore, the grassroots governance of our schools has been cannibalised by hyper-politicisation. The School Management Committees (SMCs), originally envisioned as community-led custodians of accountability, have morphed into lucrative outposts for local political operatives and corrupt power mongers. This must end immediately through a complete legislative revision. Local politicians must be legally barred from participating in or heading these committees. Governance must be restored to academics, parent representatives, and independent educationists who prioritise pedagogical quality over political patronage. Simultaneously, the state must inject massive capital into upgrading the abysmal infrastructural facilities of both primary and secondary institutions, ensuring that every school – regardless of geography or location – has suitable physical architectures required for modern learning.
To implement this vision of pedagogical excellence, the entire recruitment apparatus must be revolutionised. We need a completely independent, statutory, and highly credible body – distinct from existing ministries and modelled with the institutional autonomy of a credible “Teacher Recruitment Commission” – dedicated solely to the recruitment of teachers for both public and private schools across the nation. This centralised, merit-driven body will eliminate local nepotism, standardise entry requirements, and ensure that only those with genuine aptitude and intellectual abilities are recruited for our classrooms.
As students transition into the secondary level, the crisis shifts from structural negligence to curricular obsolescence. Our secondary curriculum remains desperately out of sync with an era where generative AI is rapidly automating routine cognitive tasks. Instead of teaching students how to analyse, critique, and synthesise information, our schools continue to test memorisation. The curriculum must be aggressively modernised to foster computational thinking, media literacy, emotional intelligence, and complex problem-solving. In a world characterised by a rapidly shrinking domestic and international job market, our secondary schools must stop producing passive consumers of data and start producing adaptive, self-directed learners who can pivot as entire industries disappear overnight.
This urgent need for modernisation applies with equal weight to our madrasa education stream. Millions of students are enrolled in Alia and Qawmi madrasas, yet this vast sector remains largely insulated from secular economic realities and technological advancements. Leaving the madrasa system in isolation is a recipe for deep social stratification and economic displacement. The state must initiate a respectful yet uncompromising modernisation of the madrasa curriculum, integrating robust training in STEM fields, humanities, language proficiency, and digital skills alongside theological These differences must be understood with sensitivity and respect. The objective of educational reform should not be to diminish religious learning or impose uniformity on every institution studies. Madrasa graduates must not be left defenceless against the AI-driven job market. They must be empowered with the exact same technical competencies and critical thinking tools as their mainstream peers to ensure they can contribute meaningfully to national economic development.
If we look at tertiary education, the landscape shifts from a chaotic nature to a catastrophic appearance. Higher education in Bangladesh is at a crossroads, crippled by the hyper-politicisation of both administrative leadership and the broader academic environment. Vice-chancellorships and senior administrative roles have long been distributed as political rewards rather than academic distinctions, resulting in public universities that function more as ideological battlegrounds or political fiefdoms than sanctuaries of impactful teaching and pure research.
Compounding this administrative failure is the reckless massification of universities. The uncontrolled proliferation of higher education institutions has severely diluted the quality of degrees. The most glaring manifestation of this crisis is the National University system, under which approximately 38 lakh students are currently enrolled across various colleges. The National University curriculum is an outdated, stagnant relic that bears no relevance to contemporary economic demands. Every year, it churns out hundreds of thousands of graduates possessing certificates but lacking relevant skills. This massive pool of under-employed and unemployed youth is not just an economic tragedy; it is a ticking demographic time bomb. This uneducated, under-skilled youth could turn out to be an insurmountable burden, capable of destabilising our fragile social fabric and economic conditions in the near future.
Simultaneously, our premier public universities are facing existential crises, characterised by decaying research output, crumbling infrastructure, and an inability to attract high-quality faculty or adequate funding from different sources. On the other side of the tertiary coin, the private university sector – that caters to a vast segment of our student population – is suffering from its own rot. Private university faculty members are dissatisfied, crushed under brutal, unsustainable workloads that induce severe burnout. Forced to teach excessive course loads to sustain corporate bottom lines, these academics are left with zero time or energy for original research or mentorship. The Private University Act 2010, which initially sought to regulate the sector, has proven to be an obsolete piece of legislation. It requires immediate, comprehensive amendments to strictly regulate faculty workloads, mandate fair and competitive compensation packages, enforce academic freedom, and prevent commercial exploitation by board members who unofficially treat universities as profit-making business corporations.
If the government and our policymakers fail to act immediately, Bangladesh will face a multi-dimensional crisis from which it may never recover. We are looking at a future marked by a broken education system, an entirely fragile economic condition, structural mass unemployment, and a total exclusion from the shrinking global job market.
To avert this dystopian trajectory, a definitive roadmap for overhauling the entire system must be enacted. First, establish the Independent Teacher Recruitment Commission to sanitise and elevate school hiring. Second, pass immediate legislation to remove political figures from school governance and ban partisan politics (not silencing dissenting voices) from university campuses to restore academic sanctity. Third, implement an emergency curriculum overhaul at the secondary and National University levels, shutting down obsolete academic programmes and replacing them with rigorous technical, vocational, and high-level analytical disciplines. Fourth, mandate a unified minimum salary structure for teachers across all levels that will exceed standard bureaucratic pay, establishing teaching as the most prestigious profession in the country. Fifth, immediately modernise the madrasa sector by embedding humanities, digital and scientific competencies into its core structure. Finally, amend the Private University Act 2010 to protect faculty welfare, eliminate institutional burnout, and legally tie university accreditation to impactful teaching, need-based research output, meaningful community/public engagement, and graduate employability.
However, the age of artificial intelligence leaves no room for sentimentality or slow, incremental reforms. AI will mercilessly expose and punish societies that rely on cheap, low-skilled labour and rote education. If Bangladesh does not completely dismantle and rebuild its educational system today, we will not just be left behind; we will become economically irrelevant and socially fractured. The choice before our policymakers is absolute: initiate a radical educational overhaul now, or experience the irreversible decline of the nation. Let us hope for the best!
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The writer is an Associate Professor, Department of English, Stamford University Bangladesh.
He could be reached at [email protected]