Inclusive Democracy and Orwellian Dilemma

Roman statesman and philosopher Cicero once said, “To remain ignorant of what happened before you were born is to remain always a child.” But history itself creates some dilemma for this ignorance.

German historian Wilhelm Dilthey said that history is, nevertheless, objective because the product of human experience (books and arts) belongs to the public domain.

On the other hand, Italian historian and philosopher Benedetto Croce argued that history is subjective because the historian is always present in its construction. Hence, American writer and civil rights activist James Baldwin suggests, “People are trapped in history, and history is trapped in them.” One burning example we see in recent times is the ignorance of history in Bangladesh, either because of history’s subjective or objective nature or because of being trapped in a wrong history.

This leads to the situation where, in recent times, we observe the destruction of cultural heritage and architecture related to the history of independence of Bangladesh. How to overcome this situation? Are there any democratic deficits and a lack of inclusiveness? If so, what to do?

The term ‘democratic deficit’ is commonly used to refer to situations where a sovereign state does not enjoy equal participation in electing representatives that legislate for it. There are two schools of thought about leadership.

One is that a leader should lead, and another is that a leader should follow. ‘Follow’ and ‘lead’ are paradoxical. Some critics think that sometimes a leader follows a group ignorant of history. 

In some cases, it is not the young generation to be blamed because history was not presented to them in a meaningful way; in other cases, young generations are trapped in a wrong history. As a result, we observe that the government is busy satisfying demand rather than directing the political institution.

French philosopher and sociologist Jean Baudrillard, in his book Simulacra and Simulation, argued, “We live in a world where there is more and more information and less and less meaning…despite efforts to reinject message and content, meaning is lost and devoured faster than it can be reinjected…" To address the young generation’s mindset and to stop mob culture, Bangladesh’s historical information should be presented with its meaning.

Otherwise, meaning can be eroded faster, and new meaning can take its place. To stop the current anarchist amnesia in Bangladesh, sociologists and politicians should work together.

Freedom of opinion and freedom of expression are the foundation for every free and democratic society. It is also a necessary condition for realising the principles of transparency and accountability. Justice Brandeis observed long ago that the greatest menace to freedom is an inert people. This inertness can emerge where a political group has no participatory role.

Another issue related to democratic values is religion. Bangladesh’s cultural and intellectual geology is religion-orientated. It has been clearly observed during the recent violence that demonstrators in the middle of their demonstration are finding some time for peaceful prayers on the street. The religious vehicle needs to be utilised in a balanced manner to stop anarchy. However, one should not fall into the trap of the Orwellian dilemma by exploiting the religious group. Here, the dilemma is that a political machine has to choose whether to accept obvious lies to survive or maintain inner truth and face destruction.

The rule of law is important, but it is an elusive concept. The rule of law cannot be secured unless it is supported by a culture of respect for the rule of law and unless men and women of integrity hold it in their DNA. A country’s impartial justice system is important to implement the rule of law. Judicial review is the main way to challenge abuses of power by the state and public bodies.

For example, in the United Kingdom, judicial review has been used by students to question their local authorities when they unreasonably denied them grants to fund their study or when a homeowner unlawfully refused planning permission or when street traders’ trading licences were unfairly revoked. The system of government can help or hinder respect for the rule of law. That system is in urgent need of repair.

Research suggests that since achieving independence fifty-five years ago, Bangladesh has experienced periods of authoritarian rule with intermittent episodes of democratic governance. The democratic index is one of the indicators for exploring the deficit in democracy within the country, reflecting the challenges it faces in establishing and maintaining effective democratic institutions and practices.

In the Democracy Index, Bangladesh is often classified as a hybrid regime primarily due to its low scores in freedom of expression, political engagement and government efficiency (with the highest score – 6.11 out of 10 – ever recorded in the inaugural 2006 report). These challenges underscore the importance of fostering democratic leadership and strengthening democratic institutions in the country.

In short, addressing the various issues mentioned above can pave the way for more inclusive and participatory governance, nurturing an environment where citizens’ rights and voices are respected and protected.

The economy needs urgent repair; inflation is high, jobs are scarce, and foreign reserves are strained. Law and order must be restored. Also, Bangladesh needs to recognise its geopolitical realities. It is also suggested that the future of Bangladesh rests on the new government’s ability to transition from a revolutionary mandate to institutional governance. Can the new government truly restore the rule of law, strengthen institutions and maintain political stability? Without inclusive democracy, this will be hard to achieve.