The Illusion of Reform: Why the Interim Government's Corruption Must Be Investigated

The main promise of any democratic uprising is simple: the rule of law, good governance, and an end to corruption. Bangladesh’s 2024 mass uprising was fueled by this exact dream. Yet, the 18-month tenure of the interim government that followed left that promise broken, creating an environment where bribery and misuse of power reportedly grew unchecked.

If the country is to heal and true justice is to prevail, a transparent, thorough investigation into the allegations surrounding the interim administration is urgently needed.

Reports from groups like Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) paint a troubling picture of that period. According to their national household survey data, over Tk12,633 crore (more than Tk126 billion) was exchanged as bribes in various service sectors between November 2024 and October 2025. Sectors like passports, the BRTA, law enforcement, land administration, and judicial services topped the list for corruption, with over 81% of surveyed households noting that obtaining services without paying bribes was extremely difficult.

Inside the administration, the warnings were clear. Hundreds of formal complaints later flooded the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), targeting figures ranging from former chief adviser Dr Muhammad Yunus–over issues concerning Grameen institutional funds and tax matters–to various sector advisers. The accusations cover many areas: former energy advisers faced scrutiny over high-stakes dealings with private power companies, while other advisers faced serious claims regarding judicial postings, administrative transfers, procurement management, and the abuse of power.

International financial data also point to troubling trends. Swiss National Bank (SNB) data for 2025 showed that deposits held by Bangladeshi nationals in Swiss banks rose by about 41.5% in one year, reaching approximately 834.16 million Swiss francs (equivalent to roughly Tk12,254 to Tk12,750 crore) compared to around 589.54 million Swiss francs in 2024. While the interim administration had promised to address capital flight, these metrics suggest that large sums continued to leave the country during its own time in office.

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The main hurdle in addressing these problems lies in the way accountability institutions work. Under Section 3(2) of the Anti-Corruption Commission Act of 2004, the ACC is supposed to be an independent body. In practice, however, it often waits for political direction before moving forward. When leaders openly call in parliament for the government to instruct the ACC to investigate, it shows that anti-corruption bodies still struggle to act on their own without executive approval.

No individual, no matter what role they played in a transitional cabinet or a popular movement, should stand above the law. Sweeping these allegations under the rug dishonors the sacrifices made during the mass uprising.

An impartial and rigorous investigation by the ACC, free from political interference, is essential. If the allegations are baseless, clearing the names of the accused will protect their reputations. If they are proven true, holding the perpetrators accountable will help restore public trust. Only by proving that the law applies equally to everyone can Bangladesh truly secure justice and good governance.